Stuck in limbo

Humans are paradoxical beings driven by nostalgia, fear and restlessness. We want to live in the past and future, we want change and for everything to stay the same. Why are we so indecisive? We all know, and sometimes say, the phrase that everything was better in the past. ‘Back in the days there were still real connections’ or ‘when I was little everything was so much easier’ are well-known sentiments that I also experience from time to time. On the other side of the spectrum is the sudden feeling that something has to change because we cannot go on like this any longer. Humans tend to handle the concept of time quite poorly, but why is our relationship with change also so dysfunctional?

Let’s starts with the past, often accompanied by nostalgia. How can we explain nostalgic driven politics? Romanticising the past plays a large role in its effectiveness. Seemingly, we tend to forget the flaws of history and focus on positive events. We don’t want to remember how we felt when our first relationship fell apart, rather, we want to remember the first time we fell in love. Additionally, nostalgia functions as a coping mechanism in times of social upheaval. When you feel existentially threatened, during times of social change, nostalgia gives you a familiar pillar you can hold on to[1]. Here, a link to conservatism is easy to make. Fearful of change, the stereotype conservatist feels threatened that their traditional values will soon cease to exist. However, nostalgia does not only belong to conservatists. I often find myself bound to the bitter-sweet emotion. A longing for my romanticised childhood seeps into me, while I do not care about traditional values or conservatism. Consequently, the emotion is deeply personal. This is of course a good emotion to use during political campaigns, because people are immediately invested; it makes politics personal.

Nevertheless, the feeling of nostalgia also illustrates that something in the present is lacking. The emotion is in itself paradoxical. Seemingly afraid of current change, nostalgic people want things to change, in order for them to be familiar again. People vote for parties that are not in power because they believe they represent those traditional values that they miss. However, change has to happen first to ‘get back’ to the past. Even though returning to the past is most probably impossible anyway as it has been romanticised too much; there is no such thing as ‘changing back’. Contrastingly, progressives might not be as driven by nostalgia, but also driven by their longing for change. This idea of change is much more focused on the future. They want to see change because the future should be better, brighter and fairer than it is now.

Does our difficult relationship with time, come from being discontent with the present? Maybe we pin our hopes on the past and the future, because of laziness. It is always easier to say that ‘it was’ or ‘it will’ be better, instead of trying to change things now. Perhaps we are afraid. What if we try to change things but it never does get better. Our perfect idea of how the world should exist does not translate to reality. Next to our complex relationship with change, we are not even sure if we are truly capable of it. If we want to believe the mathematic axiom of equality, then x=x, as famous ‘A Little Life’ author has stated. Applied to humans, that means that we are indeed incapable of change, as something in our core will always be x. That might explain why referring to the past and the future is so much easier, the notion that we might fail has been either answered already or remains unknown.

I think accepting change and accepting the notion of time is easier if we see time as a-linear. In modern and contemporary fiction the idea of time as a-linear is already present and tv series such as ‘Dark’ play with this concept as well. This means that the past, present and future all exist simultaneously. Deconstructing time in this way allows us to see the subjective notion of the concept. We measure time through beliefs that humans have invented, or as physicist Julian Barbour states: “Time is encoded in static configurations, which we see or experience subjectively, all of them fitting together to make time seem linear”[2]. Time then, is just an illusion. Concepts of past or future hold no relevance. However, that does not mean we are stuck in a limbo of change. Seen in both progressives and conservatists, in human emotions such as nostalgia and fear; change is the only constant. In our core (x), there is always ‘change’, which is in the end all that we humans can rely on.


[1] Murphy, A. (2009). “Longing, Nostalgia, and Golden Age Politics: The American Jeremiad and the Power of the Past”, Perspectives on Politics, 7(1): 125-141.

[2] Retrieved from: https://www.space.com/29859-the-illusion-of-time.html

The global citizen

As the world becomes more and more interconnected, various nationalities come into contact with one another and new identities are born. The question: where are you from, becomes increasingly difficult to answer. What if you are one quarter Chinese, one quarter Irish, half Italian and you grew up in Australia? To answer a seemingly simple question suddenly requires you to tell your entire life story. While my heritage is not difficult at all, I am fully Dutch, the fact that I grew up in Germany has caused some awkward pauses after the question: “where are you from?”. And honestly, it has led to some identity crises as well. While I am Dutch, I only moved to the Netherlands when I was eighteen and there are many nuances of the Dutch culture that I don’t understand. Home is a complicated word that has no clear meaning for me and I know I am not the only one. So, what does that mean for our world and our identities?

            First, we have to talk about citizenship itself. It was only once I started studying that I realized how political this concept is. Apart from migrants wanting citizenship, not all citizenships are equal. There are certain passports that are more ‘powerful’ than others. This means that with some passports, such as the German one, you are able to travel to a long list of countries visa free or with a visa-upon-arrival. However, with a passport from Afghanistan you are merely allowed to travel to 26 countries visa free or with a visa-upon-arrival. Moreover, there is the continuing debate of dual citizenship. Something many politicians want to ban. This results in more questions regarding one’s identity. If you don’t even know where you are when you have dual citizenship, how are you supposed to choose one identity. Moreover, you can feel a sense of belonging  in a country that is not part of your nationality. Perhaps, the entire notion of passports does not fit into a world where borders seem to diminish more every year.

            A concept better fit for our modern world, is derived from, ironically enough, Stoic philosophy. ‘World citizenship’ states that one’s identity transcend beyond borders. Kant has extended this concept as he adds political, economic and cultural dimensions to it. Holding a ‘world citizenship’ might then just answer all my crises, right? Not quite. I think that the concept is a little hollow. While it might seem that I can just name the ‘world’ as my home, that also means that my home is everywhere. However, if it is everywhere, it is simultaneously nowhere. There would be no place to go ‘back’ to and if I would say that I feel at home everywhere in the world, I would simply be lying. Thus, ‘world citizenship’ also is unable to provide a satisfying answer to the question: where are you from? It does not give me an identity, rather, it is a lovely sentiment that we all live on the same planet, but that is where the value of the concept ends.

            So, national citizenship does not fit in our world and neither does ‘world citizenship’. Perhaps, the only answers to the question of an international identity, is one that is not very satisfying. We do not belong anywhere, through travelling, through mixed nationalities, trough moving, our world has become interconnected and globalized. This means that the identity of an international rests on the fact they never truly belonging anywhere in the world. Perhaps, that is what it means to be a global or world citizen. Rather than pretending every place in the world is our home, we should take comfort in not belonging anywhere. This might even lead to the discussion whether citizenships or nationalities provide any elements of identification that are valuable. Maybe, there are many more characteristics that allow us to assess our own identity. And perhaps, these are identities that truly transcend borders and ones we can all share.

Freedom vs. Equality

At a dinner recently, my flatmate asked me what I find more important: equality or freedom. I stopped for a second and found myself unable to answer. Later while I was lying in bed, I was still thinking about the question. My roommate meant it as a semi-serious query, one that would open up a nice conversation. However, I slowly realized that the question is a lot more complicated than my friend meant it to be. What your priority is, freedom or equality, can be loosely translated into your political beliefs: liberalism or socialism. Rather than a fun question to discuss over some pizza and beer, I was suddenly grappled with a question about my core values. Consequently, the answer would determine my entire political belief, right?

So, equality or freedom? I have just finished reading Strangers in their own land by Arlie Hochschild, and one of her conclusions is that we are dependent on each other. Red states need blue states as much as the other way around. Conservatives need socialists and socialists need conservatives. If we take freedom as the core value of the right and equality as the core value on the left and we believe Hochschild’s conclusion, the two cannot be mutually exclusive. So, is it at all fair to frame the two as a trade-off?

The scholars are divided (which is not really surprising, everything is a contested concept in political science). The obvious logic is that, following a more socialist/communist structure of society, people will be more equal, but less free. Whereas, in a society where humans are completely free, inequality is part of the deal, the natural state of humanity is inequality. And in most societies we can find some sort of balance between this trade-off. However, if you dive a little deeper than this simple framework of the two concepts, the two terms are not as mutually exclusive as they may seem. Classical liberalism does not advocate for inequalities within societies. Rather, they believe in equal opportunities and they see them as one of the things that will lead to the freedom they treasure so much. As long as the inequalities have a valid explanation, e.g. people are simply less talented or they don’t work as hard as others, the inequalities seem acceptable. And perhaps one cannot speak of inequalities anymore, because everyone started out from an equal point. If anything, are we truly free if we do not have these equal opportunities? There is of course an argument that creating equal opportunities is diminishing our freedom. For example, in order to create equal opportunities we are not allowed to discriminate people. Strictly speaking, the freedom to be racist is taken from you, but are these really freedoms we want to protect?

So how does this fit into the socialism vs. liberalism debate? Perhaps Arlie Hochschild was right, they need each other in order to survive. Recently, I had a conversation with a friend of mine who said that socialism is always looking for someone to blame, which begs the question: does socialism need inequality to be of substance? Of course this sounds quite extreme, and does not do socialism justice, but it is an interesting thought to follow. As long as inequalities exist within our society, there will be political parties that will want to diminish these inequalities. What happens when these inequalities are completely gone? Perhaps it is a thought too utopian to be worth to follow. However, that my friend asked what socialisms end-game is, is not entirely unjustified.

Maybe the only answer I can give my roommate the next time she asks me if I prefer equality or freedom is that she is asking the wrong question. A more equal society is one that is also more free. Socialism and liberalism are not polar opposites, they feed into each other. They have to do so, because they both exist within our society. And maybe framing the political spectrum into two words at all (left/right, freedom/equality, liberalism/socialism) does not do us humans justice. If anything, it is only useful to polarize and to give me a little (political) identity crisis while I was trying to enjoy some pizza and beer.

Why are we so America-obsessed?

How are your eyes doing? Mine still need to recover from checking my phone every minute of the day, following the US election. A result of the election has arrived and as I can finally be freed from CNN’s Key Race Alerts by closing my laptop, I wonder why I care so much about this election. Why do we care so much more about what happens overseas, while we don’t follow any political action happening in the European Union? How is it possible that turnout for the elections of the European parliament is incredibly low, while the US elections have been trending on Twitter for the past 96 hours? Why is no one sharing treaties or election results coming from the European Union, while I have seen the faces of Biden and Harris about a hundred times today? Why am I, why are we, so incredibly America-obsessed?

            Firstly, I think it’s of importance to realise that the US holds a hegemonic position in the world. While the power of the nation is in decline, I don’t believe that its hegemonic position has vanished entirely yet. This means that their politics are relevant to us in Europe. We are dependent on the decisions they make, regarding their foreign policy, as well as their decisions on issues such as climate change. The US still holds a tremendous amount of influence over the world. However, I think that their cultural influence is also enormous. The literature we read, the films we see and in general the arts we enjoy often come from the US. Consequently, the US norms are imposed on us as well, which makes us a lot more involved with the nation itself. Let me give you an example. I have watched a lot of romantic films. It was only when talking to a friend’s parents recently, that I realised that in my country, the Netherlands, it is not the norm to propose with a ring. The image of getting on one knee with an enormous diamond ring is an image that Hollywood has ingrained in my brain, even though it’s by no means a part of my culture.

            The US thus holds influence over us Europeans, which justifies our interest in the nation. However, that does not explain our obsession with The States. The political landscape of the US and its two-party system offers an environment that is easy to document. Only one of two candidates can win and the report on the election can be similar to reporting a boxing match. It is entertaining and exciting to watch two candidates scream at each other. It is graspable to think of ‘winner’ and ‘loser’ instead of a coalition that has to be formed. On top of that, the politicians in the US try to sell themselves, which is intriguing, because often their stories are extremely compelling. Accordingly, news shows in the US are almost entertainment shows selling us stories, while constantly reporting polls and data that the viewer can watch and follow closely. Politics in the US, are easy to follow.

            Meanwhile ‘at home’, the European Parliament does not even speak the same language and debates are difficult to follow through a translator with a monotone voice. Moreover, the European Union consists of so many different committees and commissions, that it’s hard to keep track of what is happening. There is just too much bureaucracy. There is nothing exciting, glamorous or sexy about politics in Brussels. And on top of its dull politics, we simply lack European ‘patriotism’, as we are first and foremost part of our own countries; a ‘European culture’ hardly exists.

            Lastly, our interest in America derives from our historical view of America. Tocqueville, when returning to Europe, believed that the democracy and equality in the US offered a great example for countries in Europe. While the US has now slid back into a ‘flawed democracy’, the sentiment of taking US as an example also persisted after Tocqueville’s time. In the cold war for instance, The States represented a land of freedom and opportunities. The concept of the ‘American Dream’ might have existed mainly in the US itself, it also left traces in Europe. This is not to say that these views of America were justified or matched reality, but the nation portrayed (or perhaps portrays) an enticing image of freedom, and that image might still be stuck in our heads.

            All in all, it‘s perhaps just a part of our culture to, albeit subconsciously, perceive the US as an example. That the media portray politics in the US as entertainment that is easy to consume, like any television show we can binge-watch, certainly does not help to break away from our (outdated) views on the US. I think it would do us all, and especially me, some good to take a step back from American politics. Instead, we should shift our focus on politics that might actually be more relevant for us. Maybe in a few years I will be traumatised by Key Race Alerts coming from the elections for the European Parliament (one can hope, anyway.)

Revoking citizenship in order to combat terrorism: a critical review

A growing threat of terrorism has caused various states to sharpen anti-terrorism legislation. Correspondingly, citizenship laws have been adjusted as well. Numerous countries, such as the United Kingdom or the Netherlands, revoke the citizenship of a person if they are seen as a terrorist. While the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) states that “everyone has right to a nationality” (Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948), in practice people remain stateless, due to these anti-terrorism measures. In this essay, I will argue that nations should not deprive people of their citizenship in order to protect their respective populations. Moreover, I will substantiate my claim by illustrating that firstly, de facto, people can become stateless, which I will portray using the case of Shamima Begum, and secondly, populations are not protected, since statelessness results into an inability to locate a person, thus the threat is not diminished.

According to section 40 of the 1981 British Nationality Act (BNA), citizenship can be revoked if it is ‘conducive to the public good’ (BNA 1981. Section 40.2). Thus, in the United Kingdom, a citizen that is perceived as a threat, for example a terrorist, which The United Kingdom Terrorism Act of 2000 defines as an act that involves the use of threat to influence the government or advancing political, racial or ideological causes (Terrorism Act 2000. Section 1.1), moreover, terrorism entails serious violence against a person, property, endangering a person’s life, creating a risk to the health and safety of the public or interfering with or disrupting an electronic system (idem. Section 1.2), can lose its citizenship. However, citizenship may not be revoked, if this results in the statelessness of a person (BNA 1981. Section 40. 4A). Furthermore, in article 15 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) it states that “everyone has a right to a nationality” (Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948). Consequently, while states can deprive you of a citizenship, a person cannot become stateless, according to national law as well as the UDHR.

UK-born woman Shamima Begum is de facto stateless, which illustrates that the BNA is flawed. Begum went to Syria at age fifteen in 2015 with the intention to join ISIS (Bowcott 2020). As a consequence, the British government revoked Shamima Begum’s British nationality, stating that, since she has parents from Bangladesh, she has the right to a Bangladeshi passport and would thus not be stateless (ibid.). However, if Begum decides to go to Bangladesh she would most likely be hanged, due to her affiliations with ISIS (ibid.) Notwithstanding, The UK government does not have the authority to “interfere with nationality decisions of other states, and standards do not guarantee reacquisition of previously held nationality” (Mantu 34: 2018). Consequently, Shamima Begum remains de facto stateless and has lost an appeal earlier this year against the Home Office to regain her British citizenship (ibid.). Furthermore, Begum cannot appeal to her human rights of the UDHR as it is not legally binding and in European treaties, that countries such as the UK have ratified, reducing statelessness is mentioned, but these have little impact. (Hage, Waltermann and Akkermans 2017: 300). Therefore, Shamima Begum remains stateless, and thus her human rights are violated.

Additionally, the term ‘terrorist’ is contested. Shamima Begum is viewed as a terrorist, or at least as a threat, by the United Kingdom and Bangladesh, and revoking her citizenship is ‘conducive to public good’. Meanwhile, she resides in a refugee camp in Syria (Bowcott 2020) and it remains unclear if she is participating in any terroristic activities. Although she does not fit into the aforementioned description of a terrorist, the Terrorism Act of 2006 states moreover, that the encouragement (Terrorism Act 2006. Section 1.), preparation (idem. Section 5.)  and training of terrorism (idem. Section 6.) is an offence. There is currently no evidence that Begum still has affiliations with ISIS, merely that she resides in Syria (Bowcott 2020), thus it remains unknown whether she is violating the aforementioned Terrorism Act and is a threat. However, Shamima Begum’s journey to Syria and marriage to an ISIS fighter (Bowcott 2020) results in a status as, what the UN Security Council Resolution in 2014 introduced as: a ‘Foreign Terrorist Fighter’ (FTF) (Nyamutata 2020: 9). This is defined as: “individuals who travel to a State other than their State of residence or nationality for the purpose of the perpetration, planning or preparation of, or participation in, terrorist acts or the providing or receiving of terrorist training, including in connection with armed conflict” (United Nations 2014: 6). As Matthias Borgers states: “it can be difficult to ascertain the degree to which specific behaviour in a specific case has the ability to seriously damage a country or an international organisation” (Borgers 2012: 73), therefore, it is difficult to determine if Begum is indeed still a threat, however, the UK continues to see her as an FTF and thus a threat to the security of its population. Consequently, Begum remains stateless.

The case of Shamima Begum illustrates how revoking citizenship conflicts with human rights apparent in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Her status as FTF has little evidence and in practice Begum is unable to become Bangladeshi. Therefore, it is not only unclear if the reason for revoking her citizenship is still justified, her human rights are violated. This portrays the complexity of citizenship law and illustrates that revoking citizenship should not be allowed in order to protect other citizens. Furthermore, Begum’s case shows that the law the BNA incorporated that should protect the human rights stated, namely that citizenship can merely be revoked if the respective person does not become stateless, is flawed, in reality, people, such as Shamima Begum, are unable to receive citizenship elsewhere. Moreover, as Shamima Begum resides in a refugee camp, the circumstances to prepare for her trial are challenging. She receives information via her parents and while she has been able to speak to a lawyer, legal aid has not been of the same quality as it would be if she resided in the UK (Bowcott 2020). This might endanger her right to a fair trial. Article 6 of the European Convention for Human Rights (ECHR), which the UK has ratified (coe.int), states that everyone is entitled to “adequate time and facilities for the preparation of his defence” (art. 6.3b ECHR). Her statelessness could thus also lead to a violation of her human right to a fair trial.

In addition to the violation of Begum’s human rights, the reason to revoke her citizenship, namely to protect the population of the UK is ambiguous. Although Begum is not in the UK anymore, if she is a threat, she has not disappeared. Due to her stateless status, she is not convicted, nor in prison, but remains free. Moreover, the UK does not know where Begum is and she was “discovered by journalists” (Bowcott 2020). Consequently, the threat that the UK is trying to diminish is not only still present, but also unlocated. Thus, if Begum decides to plan a terroristic attack on the UK, she could still do so, which would not be the case if she would go to prison in the UK, while remaining a British citizen. The United Kingdom liberates itself from any responsibilities of its former citizens, including sentencing any wrongdoings.

The issue of statelessness that Shamima Begum’s case exemplifies, is not restricted to the United Kingdom and Shamima Begum. In the Netherlands, for example, a similar approach regarding terrorists is implemented. Minister Madeleine van Toorenburg stated “They have distanced themselves from the Netherlands, thus we distance us from them” (Kouwenhoven 2019) and almost the entire second chamber agreed with her (ibid.). This illustrates that many more countries have taken a similar stance regarding citizenship and terrorism and all the aforementioned problems that come forth out of revoking someone’s citizenship apply to other states as well. Theresa May has stated that “citizenship is not a right, but a privilege” (Bridle 2020), which allows citizenship to become ‘weaponized’ (Bridle 2020), and as this essay illustrates, the punishment of revoking citizenship proves insufficient. It is thus attitudes that May’s and Toorenburg’s statements exemplify, that are part of the issue.

In conclusion, Shamima Begum’s case illustrates that revoking citizenship in order to protect the respective population is not the most optimal manner to diminish the threat of terrorism. Citizens can become stateless, even though this violates the UDHR as well as the BNA. Moreover, the human right to a fair trial is possibly violated due to the status of statelessness. Additionally, although these rights are violated and in theory people cannot become stateless, the UDHR is not legally binding and the BNA if flawed. Furthermore, revoking citizenship in order to protect the respective population is an insufficient measure to increase security and diminish terrorism. ‘Banning’ a terrorist does not result in their disappearance, rather in their unlocated presence. In order to combat terrorism is it thus crucial to change attitudes towards citizens that choose to take part in terroristic actions and punish these citizens in their respective countries.

Bibliography

(coe.int) Council of Europe Portal. Chart of signatures and ratifications of Treaty 005 (2020). https://www.coe.int/en/web/conventions/full-list/-/conventions/treaty/005/signatures. Consulted on June 24 2020.

(legislation.gov.uk) United Kingdom Parliament (2020). Section 40: British Nationality Act 1981, Ch.61 Sec. 40.  http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1981/61/section/40. Consulted on June 15 2020.

(legislation.gov.uk) United Kingdom Parliament. Section 1: Terrorism Act 2000. http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/11/section/1. Consulted on June 23 2020.

(legislation.gov.uk) United Kingdom Parliament. Terrorism Act 2006 http://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2000/11/section/1. Consulted on June 23 2020.

(un.org) United Nations Security Council. Implementation of Security Council resolution 2178 (2014) by States Affected by foreign terrorist fighters. (2014). https://www.un.org/sc/ctc/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/FTF-Report-1-3_English.pdf. Consulted on June 24 2020.

Borgers, M.J. (2012). “Framework Decision on Combating Terrorism: Two Questions on the Definition of Terrorist Offences.” New Journal of European Criminal Law, 3(1), 68-82.

Bowcott, O. (2020). “Shamima Begum loses first stage of appeal against citizenship removal” The Guardian, February 7.  https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/feb/07/shamima-begum-loses-appeal-against-removal-of-citizenship. Consulted on June 15 2020.

Bowcott, O. (2020). “Shamima Begum’s UK citizenship should be restored, court told” The Guardian, June 11. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2020/jun/11/shamima-begums-uk-citizenship-should-be-restored-court-told. Consulted on June 24 2020.

Bridle, J. (2019) “Shamima Begum’s case shows us citizenship can never protect our rights”, The Guardian, March 5. https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/mar/05/shamima-begum-citizenship. Consulted on June 24 2020.

ECHR.COE.INT (2020) General presentation. Strasbourg: European Court of Human Rights.

Hage, J., Waltermann, A. and Akkermans, B. (2017). Introduction To Law. 2nd ed. Maastricht: Springer.

Kouwenhoven, A. (2019) “Niet meer als terrorist gezien, wel je Nederlanderschap kwijt” (Not seen as a terrorist anymore, still losing your Dutch citizenship). NRC, January 7. https://www.nrc.nl/nieuws/2019/01/07/niet-meer-als-terrorist-gezien-wel-je-nederlanderschap-kwijt-a3128192. Consulted on June 23 2020.

Mantu, S. (2018). “‘Terrorist’ citizens and the human right to nationality.” Journal of Contemporary European Studies, 26(1): 28–41.

Nyamutata, C. (2020). “Young Terrorists or Child Soldiers? ISIS Children, International Law and Victimhood.” Journal of Conflict and Security Law. https://doi.org/10.1093/jcsl/krz034. Consulted on June 24 2020.

United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) (1948). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. https://www.un.org/en/universal-declaration-human-rights/#:~:text=Article%2015.,right%20to%20change%20his%20nationality.. Consulted on June 15 2020.

The dark side of communities

I wrote this for the magazine of my study association and thought it might be nice to share it here as well. 

When we hear the word ‘community’ our minds wander to communities we are a part of ourselves. We are students at the University of Amsterdam, we are Political Scientists, we are part of a study association and so on. Often, communities can give us a sense of identity and belonging. People connect with one another and find similarities that bring them closer together. International students may find a sense of home in a community of students that also come from afar, and the same might be true for communities of Dutch students. While communities have numerous positive aspects, they do not necessarily lead to good outcomes. In this article, I am exploring the negative side of communities and I question if we should be forming communities or groups at all.

First of all, communities often lead to separation of groups. This may sound contradictory, but let me explain. It is visible on a small scale in our own beloved university: international students and Dutch students rarely mingle. As a Dutch student who grew up in Germany, I believe I fall in between the groups of international students and Dutch ones, which allows me to look at the two groups more objectively. Since international students have another layer that comes with studying: namely moving away from the country they grew up in, their experiences differ from Dutch students. It is normal that they form clusters, international students can recognize certain experiences that nationals might not have had (yet). Furthermore, the language barrier is present. It is always easier to speak in your native tongue. It seems logical that there is a clear distinction between internationals and Dutch students, however, this creates a rift within the university. Dutch students are not a part of international groups and vice versa. Consequently, dialogue between the two groups starts to diminish and the two groups are living alongside each other, rather than with one another.

This separation of groups leads to polarisation, which is my second point. While polarization of international and national students in a university provide a good example to illustrate my point, the urgency of the problem is not visible. Who cares that internationals and Dutch people do not mingle, right? Well, this polarization that communities bring about, is also visible in the rest of the world. It is easier to stick to the people that understand us, and that have similar experiences and similar opinions on certain matters. It feels comfortable and takes less effort. If we both believe that we should close our borders and put fences up, or if we both believe that climate change should be taken seriously, conversations will flow more easily. Instead of a heavy debate, we can just agree with each other. The community then becomes an echo chamber in which we find comfort, but lose any critique on our views or beliefs.  Forming groups can thus seclude us to our own opinions and in this we might become strangers to each other. This sense of alienation seep through the larger community that we are part of, namely being citizens and this will then cease to exist; solidarity is lost. This claim needs some nuance of course. Communities are not the sole reason that polarization exists in modern democracies. Economic inequality and a sense of social injustice are more likely to be the root of polarization. However, the feeling that we are being treated unjustly is fuelled if we surround ourselves with people who are of the same opinion. If we constantly agree with each other, we will also constantly think that we are right.

Lastly, by forming groups we are likely to fall into ‘identity politics’. This means that we prioritize issues that relate to our identity, which can lead to several problems. As a woman we would want a president to be a woman as well, but this is then the only aspect we focus on. Instead of the actual skills needed to be president, we thus only focus on gender. Communities are often based on aspects of our identity, such as our sexual orientation, race or gender which provides thus a good base to practice these identity politics that can be harmful.

For a democracy to maintain healthy it is of importance that the world becomes less polarized and issues are looked at separately from our identities. Forming communities is not helping these two issues, rather it worsens them. The question remains if the benefits of communities, which I am not denying exist, outweigh the negative consequences of polarization. I argue that this is true: we lose our individuality and critical thinking in groups, however this does not mean that communities should cease to exist. Mainly, because this is an impossible task to enforce in a society filled with humans that naturally form groups and are social animals. A more feasible solution and also crucial solution is that conversations do not disappear. We need to live with each other, not next to each other and dialogue is a necessity in order to do this. So, next time you are standing at a Borrel in café de Havelaar and you hear some Dutch next to you, engage in a conversation, rather than looking for your international friends. And who knows, you might find a whole new community!

 

2020 and its fireworks

A new year has started, even more so, a new decade has started! We are once again entering the 20s. If these will be filled with jazz and parties like the ones a hundred years ago will be rather unlikely, but one thing is sure, like every year, this decade was embraced ‘warmly’ with a a lot of fireworks and with it a lot of injuries.

I never understand why such a dangerous and polluting thing as fireworks is still tolerated. In the Netherlands an entire building has been burnt down this year; how is that a good start of th year? I have never liked, and have always been scared of fireworks, but as a lot of people shout this time a year: it is tradition! As I come from the Netherlands I know the case in the Netherlands and am unsure how it is for other countries, but Dutch people cling on  to their traditions as if they are their newborn babies. This is not only visible when the discussion of fireworks pops up, but also around the fifth of December, when the discussion surrounding ‘black pete’ arises and captures the entire country. It seems as if inflexibility lies in the nature of the Dutch. If ‘black pete’ is hurting some people than why can’t we change it? I, as a white person, have nothing to say about the feelings of a person of colour, and if I am doing something that is hurtful than why shouldn’t I change it? The alternative is more logical and does not inconvenience me anyway. Now, a day that is meant to be wholesome and peaceful is dominated by violent protest, because people cannot accept that sometimes, traditions change.

The same is true for fireworks. It has become more than clear that people are not careful with them. How much more do we need to illegalize it? It is not as if fireworks will disappear completely, but we can utilize the Australian idea, and host a firework show. (Although I find it peculiar that even though the entire countries’ bushes are filled with a raging fire, they still continue with this firework show, but I guess the tradition is also in Australia too important to ignore.)

I have often heard people say that even when you illegalize fireworks they will still exist and although I do not disagree with that statement it is important to speak about the scale  of it all. If we illegalize fireworks, the amount of people hurt from said fireworks will be a lot less and if someone uses fireworks and is hurt by it, they can be punished and understand the consequences of possessing fireworks. If anything, it is a way to cash some extra money by fining the people who do have and light firework. The current discussion and the shifting opinion of many politicians obviously illustrates that the matter is moving into the right direction, however, I fail to understand why everyone is so hestitant. Perhaps I am being unempathetic because I do not like fireworks myself, but I do not understand who can still oppose the illegalization of them. Especially if the only argument is that it is tradition as it a Chinese tradition to scare away evil spirits. The Dutch do not even share the same New Year’s as the Chinese and they are not a particulary spiritual nation.

Sadly, I do not think that 2021 will be introduced in a different manner than 2020, but one can hope. (Because I am also so done with the fireworks that sound like bombs going of in my neighbourhood all year around at three in the morning)

Happy new year! Happy new decade!

Of to a rusty start.

Being conservative at the faculty of humanities

I remember in high school asking several teachers what political parties they were going to vote for and they all said that they could not answer. It was unprofessional for a teacher to express any sort of political preference. I need to add that I went to a high school in Germany where the culture surrounding politics might be different than in the Netherlands. Nonetheless, I thought it was quite peculiar at the time, but now that I am in an environment where there is no escaping politics, I understand these strict policies.

After my first day at university the difference between my old teachers and the teachers here left me speechless. Through the entirety of the first seminar jokes about Trump, Brexit and Republicans were made. The excitement of the first day soon left my body and a sense of bewilderment rushed over me: aren’t professors or teachers in general supposed to be neutral? After the seminar I asked two family members about it: one has studied at university, one has not. The one that hasn’t studied said, while smiling: “Well, that’s university, you have to think for yourself,” but then the other relative looked at me in surprise saying: “That is very peculiar, professors aren’t ought to give their opinion about politics in case it influences the students too much.” I left my hometown torn about the two statements, but decided to go into the following seminars with an open mind and started to notice another thing: it is incredibly difficult to be conservative at the Faculty of Humanities.

There is something really hypocritical about a lot of left-wing voters right now. They portray themselves as the most tolerant, yet when talking about anyone that has a different, more conservative opinion, these same open-minded voters just laugh away the critics’ ‘stupidity’. The more I started to pay attention to this, the more I noticed occasions where people laughed at Trump, Brexit or the FVD (a Dutch right wing party), but they never had any clear arguments as to why they were laughing. During seminars I often thought that no conservative would dare to speak out, as their opinion would be laughed at anyway. It seems as if anyone who is not leftist is seen as an egotistical racist that has no sense of humanity. That is not the case. To care about the economy does not automatically make you a hungry-for-money capitalist. VVD-voters (again a quite right-wing party in Netherlands), are not all oblivious to climate change, their priorities just lie somewhere else, and that does not make them ‘dumb’ or a ‘bad person’.

As I was writing this article and talked to more people about it I constantly found myself saying: “Well, I am writing this article about being conservative in a leftist environment… but I am not conservative!”. This only further proved the point I am trying to make. I felt the need to justify myself as if being conservative was something bad and I was afraid of being categorized like that. When I was talking to my roommate about this she asked me: “But what are you trying to accomplish with this, you know that the Faculty of Humanities is filled with people that are left-minded.” There is some truth to this statement. However, I also firmly believe there are more conservatives at our faculty than one might think, but in every conversation about politics, in my experience at least, there is no space to utter your opinion if you are not voting left.

The problem is not that the Faculty of Humanities is filled with leftist people, or that seminars are filled with political topics on which the professor takes a stance, but it becomes a problem when conversation disappears. If every conservative opinion is called ‘dumb’ or ‘uneducated’, there is no discussion; just a bunch of people agreeing with each other and that is not the point of a university at all, nor does it create any interesting conversations. We need to engage in dialogue with each other. To have a different opinion just means that you have a different opinion. It is a lot more productive to try to understand others’ opinion than to blatantly ignore it and laugh it away.

As for teachers, I am still not sure whether they should be politically neutral or not, but if they do decide to share their opinion, there should be less laughter and more listening to create a space for an open discussion